Reports

THE SITUATION OF HUMAN RIGHTS
JUNE 1st - SEPTEMBER 30th, 2003

During the 4 months of this report, the Emergency Law as approved by the head of state for the fourth time since last December was enforced along with the other restrictive laws, such as the National Security Act and the Law of Criminal Procedure 1991 that allowed security bodies to arbitrarily detain citizens for a period of 6 to 9 months. Still, the power of the head of state to abrogate by decree existing laws was unchallenged.

Although the head of state released all political detainees besides his recent promise to release the press from censorial measures, tens of political detainees were not released; as well, censoring the press and restricting the freedom of expression were unabated. The freedom to free association and assembly was repeatedly curtailed throughout the period, and the ethnically-identified African-descent people, besides women and students, suffered more persecution than the other citizens did. In the meantime, the government pursued mobilization efforts under the jihad banner whereas 100,000 conscripted students paraded in the streets having completed military training in the national service camps.

In western Sudan, escalated military violence led to the killing of thousands of civilians, terrorizing ethnically-identified African-descent citizens and displacing tens of thousands who were forced to seek protection in new shanty towns around the cities. Consequently, the situation of food deteriorated in the region together with the health and educational services.

MOBILIZING A JIHAD STATE
On June 18, the head of state launched a fierce attack on the political opponents had been calling for the exemption of the National Capitol from the enforcement of Shari'a law. Bashir stated that the seizure of political power in June 1989 was motivated by the determination to uphold the Sharia: in his own words, "We will never be secularist … We will sacrifice our lives [in the ongoing struggle] to eliminate secularism."

On Thursday, June 26, the Popular Defense Forces (PDFs) organized a military parade in Khartoum showing thousands of heavily armed PDFs whose leader, Ahmed 'Abbas, pledged to carry out a war of Jihad to defeat the enemies of the Islamic Revolution of Sudan. 'Abbas called upon the PDFs to sacrifice their souls in defense of the "National Salvation Revolution." The aim of the parade was to ascertain the PDFs commitment to the holy war of Jihad as a national issue.

September 4, the head of state attended the graduation of 100,000 conscripts of the Khartoum National Service. Addressing the ceremony, he affirmed the size of the trainees was a clear message to the regime's opponents. He further announced the State's willingness to arm students and the youth with "knowledge, faith, and guns" to face out "the ones planning against [sovereignty] of the land and the wealth of Sudan." He praised the "struggles of students" that in his opinion foiled all conspiracies.

The PDFs were established by a republican decree issued by the head of state in 1991 to assist the government troops in civil war. Throughout the preceding years, the criminal acts of attacking peaceful villages, killing innocent civilians, and enslaving women and children were closely related to the action of 500,000 PDF conscripts, as estimated at the time.

CENSORING THE FREE PRESS
In the early hours of Saturday June 28, the security forces confiscated all of the 20,000 copies of the al-Sahafa independent daily without charge. The editors were not aware if the act was enforced in response to an earlier publication or because of something printed in the Saturday issue. On July 4, all the 2,534 copies of Alwan were seized by security because of an article criticizing the government with respect to "the Khartoum Declaration."

On July 5, about 7,000 copies of Issue 2114 of al-Ray al-'Am, almost one third of the total 25,000 daily publication, were censored probably because the paper's issue of July the 3rd published a copy of the Khartoum Declaration in support of the Cairo Declaration.

On the 6th of July, the complaints committee of the Press National Council suspended the al-Captain newspaper for a week because it published in Issue 2405 of June 28th an essay that the committee considered "grossly indecent." In mid September, the press and publication court rejected an appeal by the Dar al-Istisharat wa al-Khadamat al-Qanoniya (consultation and legal services' firm) vis-à-vis the suspension.

Saturday July 12, a Khartoum court suspended the Khartoum Monitor, and then fined, and further abrogated the Monitor's license. A newspaper's earlier appeal was approved by the Court of Appeals by which the Monitor resumed publication following 2 months of continuous confiscation by the suspending court since the 15th of May for an article discussing slavery in South Sudan.

Tuesday July 29, the security authorities seized all copies of al-Sahafa in print in retaliation of information the paper published the day before on the killing of 12 conscripts and the injury of 31 student conscripts in a car accident that was strongly negated by the PDFs spokesperson. The security officers, however, informed the editor-in-chief that the suspension was enforced because of the paper's publication of "the [failing] return of tribal delegates who had been engaged in [peace] negotiation with the rebels of DarFur in western Sudan."

On September 2, the Alwan newspaper was asked to stop printing until investigation would be completed about the paper's instigation of sedition. The security department had formally accused Alwan of publishing material to "arouse sedition and disorder." The direct cause of the decision was most likely based on an interview the newspaper published with the spouse and son of Hassan al-Turabi in which they criticized the president and his deputy.

On September 26, the prosecution section of crime against the state suspended Alwan. Prosecutor Mohamed Farid Hassan accused the newspaper of violating sections 66 and 69 of the criminal law, as well as section 25 of the press and publication act 1999. Before the prosecutor's decision was enforced, the newspaper resumed publication for a short while following an encounter of suspension and appeal decisions by the ministry of justice and a judge who suspended the newspaper for publishing news on the release of some political detainees that was considered false by the security department.

The intimidation of journalists continued with threats of death, including actual attempts at murdering them. July 13, the editor of the Khartoum Monitor was subjected to assassination attempt when an unknown driver attacked Nhial Bol's car in east Khartoum. Bol received threats on his life by phone days before the assassination attempt.

In August, the life of al-Sahafa columnist, al-Haj Waraq, was threatened by a phone message unless he would cease writing on apostasy in Islam. The clandestine terrorist also promised to blast the paper's premises.

On August 9, the president of the republic pledged in a public announcement to relax the press censor; however, he decided the press would still be subjected to the government-controlled Press National Council. Because the council acted as a source of curtailing the freedom of the press, as well as penalizing journalists, the president's promise did not virtually release the continuous curtailment of the press by security bodies.

Furthermore, the authorities established new censorial machinery at the Republican Palace to "oversee" all news about the government before publication. Although this censorial procedure was explained as a safety measure, it was obviously a new form of curtailment to the freedom of obtaining, imparting, and disseminating information.

VIOLATING THE RIGHT TO FREE EXPRESSION,
MOVEMENT AND PEACEFUL ASSEMBLY
In June, a group of 14 Islamists, including leaders of political organizations, authority figures, and 2 university professors, issued a statement considering acts of heresy the students' Democratic Front and the "parties and believers in democracy and socialism and all those in allegiance to Christians," as the statement read.

An earlier fatwa [decision based on religious reference] issued last May called for the killing of a number of leaders, activists, and journalists who opposed the ruling regime. The fatwa offered a reward of 20 million Sudanese pounds for each citizen mentioned in the announcement.

This public terrorism by the Islamic group in the Sudan, which started off in the early 1980s, came about in correspondence with the climates of extremism and state violence as a clear response to the religious, cultural, and ethnic arrogance of this group that is fully supported by the ruling authority.

On June 2, the security department prevented women delegates from the Nuba Mountains from leaving Khartoum to participate in a conference at the Koda town in the Mountains. On June 18, the authorities attacked a peaceful assembly by political activists at the dwelling of an activist. On July 2, the security force suspended a press conference called for at the office of the same activist (see more details under arbitrary arrests in this report).

VIOLATIONS AGAINST THE WOMEN
On June 21, the head of state allocated a fund of 5.5 million dinars to prepare a special dress "complying with religious dictates" for university girls. The president said that the government would import 300,000 pieces of the new dress from China to meet the needs of the school year 2003-2004. The "Islamic" dress would be imposed on all girls in the Sudanese universities. The dress would be composed of a long wide garment accompanied by a head dress (khimar), in accordance with "the Islamic norms." The presidential decision was not meant only to obligate the female students to put on Islamic attire. The decision would equally benefit the businesspeople sponsoring it since the cost of one dress would amount to 1500 to 5000 dinars (about 20 dollars), which would exceed by far the financial ability of the estimated 170,000 university girls. The minister of high education ascertained that the decision aimed to fulfill religious and national obligations of the government: "We have maintained the attire of our girls as prescribed by the Shari'a Law of the Qur'an."

Subsequent to security campaigns specifically launched to arrest tens of women from the Nuba Mountains in the opening days of June, the authorities outlawed two women organizations, namely the Nuba Mountains Women Union and the Ruayya Organization, and thus suspended all their [legal] activities.

In September, the head of state criticized the calling for the prevention of female circumcision. Accusing unnamed sources of activating a campaign against this custom, the president said that "there are anti-Islam anti-Muslim circles that activate campaigns against the female circumcision." The president's statement was part of his commentary on the call of al-Sheikh 'Abdel-Hai Yousif, the imam of the Doaha Mosuq of Jebra, to "abide-by the Sunna circumcision, which is approved by the medical sources being more beneficial than harmful." 'Abdel-Hai also pointed out "the Four Madhahib [schools of Shari'a jurisprudence] preferred the female circumcision as Sunna or duty or courtesy for the women." The imam launched a vigorous attack against all voices asking for the prevention of female circumcision saying that, "they are enemies using their campaigns to hurt Islam." The head of state praised the role the 'ulama [Islamist scholars] played to enlighten the Umma [nation] and to guide people to the right path.

ARBITRARY ARRESTS
On June 2, the security forces arrested 38 Nuba women plus 3 men with them while they were leaving the Capitol to participate in a conference scheduled at the town of Koda in the Nuba Mountains. Five security officers armed with pistols and the AK-47 machine guns interrogated the arrested citizens at the security department headquarters where they were aggressively inspected and gravely insulted. The personal belongings of the arrested citizens, including cell phones, money, portable computer set, documents, and food were additionally confiscated. The arrested women included among others Iman James Kuku, Howaida Siddiq, Buthaina Zidan Idris, Amnna 'Awad Hamad, Ja'fariya Ahmed Isma'il, Suhail al-Fakki 'Ali, Huda Isma'il, Rifqa Ibrahim Omar, Suhair 'Abd-Allah Idris, Amal Isma'il Mohamed, Buthaina Ibrahim Dinar, 'Aida Musa Makki, Bakhita Abbo Ibrahim, Barbara Philip Kalo, Huda Daoud Hamid, Wahida Mohamed Hamid, Nadiya Khawaja Musa, 'Aziza Suliman al-Zain, Sumaiya 'Uthman 'Ali, 'Afaf Mohamed Qaboush, Nagla Ahmed Hamid, Mayassa Makki 'Abdel-Rahman, Huda Isma'il, Suhair 'Abdel-Nabbi, Sammar 'Abd-Allah Kodi, Howayda Bashir Koami, I'timad E'issa al-Fakki, Kushadi Kuku, Um Jum'a Durman Kafi, Kamiliya Ibrahim Kuku, and Zainab Balandiya who was daily interrogated at the security headquarters until mid-June. The three men arrested with the women were 'Amir Nasser Nimeiri, Ibrahim 'Ali, and Nourain.

On June 8, journalist Faisal al-Baqir was arrested at the Khartoum Airport on his return from a conference on press and information convened in Greece.

June 18, about 30 security elements sacked the residence of a political activist at the Khartoum 2 residential area to arrest 45 activists who had been holding a meeting at the house. The activists were lately released with a bond not to pursue further political activity against the government. Of the arrested politicians were Sid Ahmed al-Hussain, the deputy Secretary-General of the Democratic Unionist Party (DUP), al-Haj Warraq, Secretary-General of the Haraka al-Quwa al-Haditha [Modern Forces' Movement], Ibrahim al-Sheikh, Secretary-General of the Popular Congress Party (PCP), Ghazi Suliman, a lawyer and legal activist, Ghobrial Matour Malaik, Dr. Ja'far Karrar, Dr. 'Abdel-Rahman al-Ghali, Dr. 'Abdel-Rahim Ballal, James Al-Sao, John Kwal, Lieutenant-General (retired) Farouq al-Mufti, and representatives of other opposition parties. The meeting aimed to discuss the Cairo Declaration that had been issued by three parties to support the exemption of the National Capitol from Shari'a Law enforcements.

On the second of July, the security department arrested the legal activist Ghazi Suliman tow hours before the convening of a press conference scheduled at his office to announce a supportive statement to the Cairo Declaration. Between the 5th and the 8th of June, the authorities arrested 4 other activists, Ibrahim al-Sheikh, 'Abdel-Qayoum 'Awad, Azhari al-Haj, and Mohamed al-Hafiz who collaborated in the statement's preparation. Ghazi was lately released; almost two weeks from the day of his arrest.

On July 31, the police force joined security officers to attack the dorms of the Juba University campus at the district of Kafouri in Khartoum. Accused of performing "acts of destruction," 62 students were detained of whom at least 15 students were injured in the arrest. On August 2, the authorities enforced a prompt shut-down of the university for unspecified term of suspension to handicap the students' pressure on the authorities to run elections of the students' union.

August 3, the police and security forces arrested 20 students of the Sudan University following massive students' demonstrations.

With the president's willingness to release all political detainees in the country, 32 politicians were released the first week of August including 13 members of the PCP. The Organization's resources, however, assured that many other political detainees were detained without charge. In the Kober Central Prison, there were 10 detainees among them Hassan al-Turabi, the PCP chairperson who had been detained since 2001. August 19, the president renewed al-Turabi's detention for 6 months.

August 10, the security and the intelligence forces arrested many members of the 'Adila and the Ma'aliya groups, and then moved them to the Niyala city. Among the detainees were al-Haj Hamdoun Jad al-Kareem, al-Tayeb Yousif, 'Abdel-Aziz 'Ali al-Sheikh, Fatarani E'issa Mustafa, Farah Mu'ala 'Abdel-Mahmoud, 'Abdel-Rahman Abbakar Mohamed, Mohamed al-Shareef Khamgan, Hamid Adam Basha, Mohamed Adam Mohamed Salih who was a child only ten years old that the Niyala prison authorities refused to detain. The child was kept in the custody of the Niyala police. Other detainees included the Dinka men al-Sadiq Yak, Kair Dot, and Deng Mot Deng.

On August 14, 14 citizens were arrested in the town of Kas before they were imprisoned in the Niyala Prison. The citizens included al-Haj Tairab Mahmoud, al-Hadi Ishaq, 'Amar Mohamed Ahmed, Ibrahim Musa, Nouradeen Jubair 'Ali, Abu al-Qasim Tilib, Mohamed Adam Nour, 'Ali 'Abdel-Rahman, al-Fadil Adam, Yahya 'Abdel-Allah, Hashim Mohamed, 'Abdel-'Aziz 'Abdel-Karim, Isma'il Mohamed Ahmed, and Abbakar Adam Shu'aib. The detainees were severely tortured by the security/intelligence force.

The DarFur region of western Sudan was targeted with massive arrests of the ethnically-identified African-descent groups of the Fur, the Zagawa, and many others. By mid June, 'Abdel-Rahim 'Arga was arrested in al-Fashir city. July 5, 'Ali Mansour Maniyas was arrested, and on August 17 Siddiq al-Tahir Tarjoak and Mohamed Eliyas of the Zagawa group were also arrested.

According to the SHRO-Cairo sources, these citizens were tortured and denied the right to family visitation or legal consultation. August 20, 3 members of the Fur tribe, namely: Yaqoub Khamis, Samir Ibrahim 'Abdel-Malik, and Mohamed Nasreldeen Mohamed Ahmed were arrested and detained at a security establishment in Zalingay. On August 29, Adam Khawaja, a Fur farmer, was detained in a clandestine center. Still, his family continued to search for him. September 12, the clergyman James Akol Mayoin, the director of the archbishop church in Khartoum, was arbitrarily arrested.

SPECIAL COURTS
A Niyala court of prompt justice in western Sudan saw 53 persons of the Ma'aliya tribe who might be sentenced to death. The Organization received information that the accused group was harshly beaten up with big sticks and with guns for confession. Some of them were also subjected to electric shocks. The ages of some of the accused persons were less than 18 years old, while some were older than 60. The tortures embraced all of the accused; for example, al-Haj Hamdu Jad al-Karim, a handicapped person in his 68th, suffered a serious break of his rib. Accused of murder and the possession of arms without license, these citizens were arrested with 4 other persons during the months of July and August.

THE WESTERN SUDAN CIVIL WAR
These four months witnessed continuous escalation of hostilities in DarFur. Armed operations led to grievous losses in the lives of thousands of people, besides the displacement of tens of thousands from villages. In June and July, the government troops and the government-controlled militias killed almost 3,000 people, displaced about 100,000 citizens mostly women and children, demolished about 100 villages, and buried or poisoned many waterholes or wells. The areas severely attacked were Kabkabiya, al-Tinna, Kutum, Kadjanbar (east of the Merra Mountains), Wadi Salih, Mifgar, Kas, and Kornoy.

A few examples of the armed conflict in the region manifested the invasion by government troops and militias accompanied by the PDFs and the Ganjoid (Arab militias) of the Kurma area (78 kilometers west of al-Fashir). Tens of the innocent citizens were killed between the 17th and the 19th of June. The names of the murdered citizens or those bodily hurt included Mutasim 'Abd-Allah Haroun Suliman (student, 19 years old); Ibrahim Humaid (Chief of the Diladima village, 50 years old); Humaid Mohamed 'Abd-Allah (farmer, 35); Mohamedain Ibrahim (farmer, 41); Isma'il Mohamed (farmer in his 40ies); Adam Yaqoub (farmer, 50); Ibrahim Suliman 'Abd-al-Rasoul (farmer, 45); Mohamed Adam Haroun (farmer, 40); Surkab Adam (farmer, 47); and Khadija Mohamed Suliman (housewife, in her 30ies). The invasion sacked and then demolished the villages of Joortoba, Bibi, Diladima, Jumba, Roma, Umleyona, Korron, Tartura, Tangolat, Ustani, and Tamarang. Many villagers were hurt, including 'Abd-Allah Tibin Mohamed (40ies), Abbakar Haroun Abbakar (40), Mohamed 'Abd-Allah 'Abd-al-Rasoul (40), and Mohamed Adam Salih (40).

The Friday morning of July 25 witnessed the attack of government troops with Arab militias invading the village of Shoba, to the south of the Kabkabiya town in Northern DarFur. The invasion caused the death of 14 citizens and the injury of many elderly. The murdered citizens were Isma'il Adam Tura (63), Mohamed Adam Tura (70), Adam Mohamed Musa (80), Ishaq Bakr Haroun (78), 'Abd-Allah Abbakar Omar (75), Siddiq Adam Suliman (68), Mohamed 'Id (60), Musa Daoud, Mohamed Ahmed Bukhari (55), Yahiya Mohamed Salami (45), Mohamed Idris Adam Suliman (28), Mohamed Ishaq Atim (23), 'Ali Adam Suliman (70), and Nouradeen Siddiq Adam (13). The injured party included Halima 'Abd-Allah Ahmed (78), Adam Mohamed Ahmed Shugar (43), and Khatir Salih Mohamed (32).

The government troops and Arab militias launched revengeful attacks in DarFur in response to the occupation of SLA troops of the city of Kutum in August 1. The acts of revenge targeted the Zagawa, Fur, Massaleit and other African-descent ethnicities. Between the 5th and the 7th of August, the government troops extra-judicially killed about 300 suspects following the withdrawal of the SLA force from the city. The vengeance was meant to terrorize the African-descent citizens in the city. Subsequently, the governor of the region, Yousif Kabir, admitted the occurrence of the invasion saying that, "it was run by militias that claimed some connection with the government."

On August 18, governmental attacks covered 19 villages to the south and west of al-Jinaina city. In these attacks, whole villages were destroyed in Tarbiba, Kassiya, Shishta, Haraza, and other villages around Bayda town. The attacks killed about 50 Massaleit, Dago, and Singer peoples. On August 19, more attacks killed 10 citizens in Khazan Abu Jadeed, Tawila, Hajir, and other villages.

The severe military actions in the region devastated the African-descent peoples, leading hundreds of thousands of the terrorized population to desert their residential areas to seek protection in the big cities. The health and the education conditions largely deteriorated. The food situation eventually worsened through the demolishment of the villagers' provision. On August 25, for example, Arab militias sacked a store of grain, a health unit, and a local market in the village of Mado of the Sayah district. This state of affairs blocked the arrival of relief to the area. The Kutum authorities, moreover, suspended relief activities for 6 months in Kutum, and they put a hold on the Kabkabiya relief activity.

Despite the cease-fire agreement signed in September (eventually implemented starting September 6) between the Sudan Government and the Sudan Liberation Movement (SLM), the government troops killed 76 civilians on September 13 at the Kashaba area north of Kutum, and further attacked Abuliya where 16 civilians were also killed. On September 22, the troops demolished a number of villages in the Wadi Salih, Kutum, and Jebel Marrah areas.

AERIAL RAIDS OF CIVILIANS
The government air force operated the aerial raiding of 20 villages or more in western Sudan throughout the days of June 17, 18, and 19 - thus murdering 300 villagers and injuring at least 200 people. The SLM accused the government of using poisonous gas in the bombardment; however, no investigation was conduced about this accusation.

5:30 to 7 p.m. in the evening of Saturday June 21, a government air fighter repeatedly attacked Koroni (250 kilometers to the north-west of al-Fashir) to destroy a well used by the villagers for drinking water. The aerial bombardment led to the extra-judicial killing of these villagers among others: Abbakar Yousif shumu Haroun (student, 15); 'Aysha 'Uthman Nour (housewife, 25); Zainab 'Uthman (student, 13); Nidal Isma'il (child, 7); Khadiga Barido Haqo (housewife, 32); Mohamed Ahmed (student, 17); Mohamed 'Abd-Allah Isma'il (shepherd, 20); Fatima Mohamed Isma'il (housewife, 38); and Safa Mohamed 'Ali (housewife, 40). The aerial invasion wasted the cattle, sheep, horses, and camels of the villagers; destroyed 87 houses; and forced 20,000 civilians to leave the area in search of safety around the cities.

August 27, a government antinov attacked Habila and other villages to the south of Jinaina. This attack killed 27 Massaleit and seriously wounded 33 persons. Many of the murdered civilians were women and children including Sa'adiya 'Abdel-Rahman Arbab, Sa'adiya Mohamed Matar, Magda Yaqoub, Taqwa Musa Belal, Fatima Ahmed Mohamed, Halima 'Abd-Allah Adam, Fatima 'Abd-Allah Yahya, Zahra 'Abd-Allah Yahya, Moniyra Adam 'Abdel-Karim, Sa'ida Harran, Zainab Ahmed Yousif, Nada 'Abdel-Magid Mohamed 'Ali, Weam 'Abdel-Mageed Mohamed 'Ali, Halima Adam Bella, and Safa Yaqoub. Among the murdered males (including children) were Mustafa 'Abdel-Rahman Arbab, Ibrahim Hassan, Zahir Adam 'Abdel-Karim, 'Abdel-Latif 'Abdel-Rahman Ishaq, Ahmed Omar Shu'aib, Abbakar Haroun Isma'il, Torbo Younis Hamdi, Omar Adam Bahar, Hamdan Bahar Khair-Allah, and 'Abdel-Rahman Nabbi (a child). Among the wounded civilians were 'Ida Ahmed Hussain, Marwa Yaqoub Ibrahim Hassan, Safa Yaqoub Ibrahim Hassan, Roqaiya Suliman Ahmed, Tayba Ishaq Abbakar, 'Aysha Tajadeen 'Abdel-Rahman, Haja Ahmed Mohamed, Um al-Nas Syam, Fatoma Mohamed Adam, Fatima Mohamed 'Ali, Roqaya 'Uthman 'Abboud, Mohamed Yousif 'Ali, 'Abd-Allah Qamar Mohamed, Yousif Adam Zakariya, Ishaq al-Toam Ibrahim, 'Abd-Allah 'Ali Mustafa, Mohamed Qamar 'Abd-Allah, Mubarak 'Abd-Allah Mohamed, Mohamed Haroun Ahmed, al-Tayeb 'Abdel-Rahim Adam, Siddiq Syam Ibrahim, 'Abd-Allah al-Goani E'issa, Abubakar 'Abdel-Rahman Arbab, Adam 'Abd-Allah Yahya Omar, Omar Ibrahim Mohamed Abubakar, Habib Abubakar Mahmoud, Jum'a Mohamed Ishaq, Mohamed 'Abdel-Mageed Mohamed, Jum'a Omar Musa, Mohamed Ibrahim Khamis, Ayoub Adam Yaqoub, Daoud Adam Mohamed al-Merghani, and Ishaq al-Toam Ibrahim.

In September, antinov fighters and other helicopters attacked with machine guns the Kornoy area, Disa, Ambro, Tina, Morni, Sabra, Saliya, Um Sayal, Korngo, Hamra, Daya and other villages.

POSITIVE STEPS TOWARDS A PERMANENT CEASE FIRE
In the last week of June, the Sudan Government and the SPLM agreed to renew the cease-fire agreement in the Nuba Mountains that was earlier signed in January 2002. The new agreement entered into force beginning with July the 20th until next January 2004. The assigned agreement was consistently executed without serious violation.

On June 30, the two parties renewed commitment to cease fire in the South in accordance with a previous agreement finalized last October. Although the two partners agreed to cease fire, the region passed through acts of aggression by militias that claimed they were not party to the cease fire agreements. By mid September, the two partners agreed once again to renew the cease fire agreement for two months.

September 3, the government signed an agreement with the SPLM in the Chadian city of Abishi to cease fire in western Sudan for a period extending for 6 weeks effective September 6. The two parties agreed to exercise tight control over the troops, as well as the militias in the region. A committee of 3 (with representative of the mediating State of Chad) would monitor the situation and the extent of commitment by each party.

The last week of September, the Sudan Government and the SPLM signed an agreement on the security measures that: "shall downsize the part forces in the two parts of the country," according to specified figures and "shall then disengage, separate, encamp and redeploy the forces" in a specific time table. These security arrangements represented one of the difficult disputes on the way to reach out a comprehensive settlement through the IGAD sponsored negotiations in Kenya. Still, there are other issues under negotiation before a comprehensive agreement would be finalized, including the redistribution of powers and wealth and the politico-administrative position of the Nuba Mountains, Southern Blue Nile, and Abeyi.